Truth about Electronic Shelf Labels

Recent public testimony on proposed Senate Bill 04 and news articles about Electronic Shelf Labels (ESLs) in grocery stores highlighted a concerning gap between perception and reality. As affordability remains a top priority for families across our state, it’s essential that policy discussions are based on facts, not misinformation.

Let’s clear up the biggest misconception: that Connecticut grocery stores are using ESL technology for surveillance, price discrimination, or biometric tracking. That simply isn’t happening. No grocery store in Connecticut is using ESLs to target individual shoppers, nor are they considering it. Across our state, many stores use these innovative labels to display clear, consistent prices, not to track or discriminate against their customers.

Electronic Shelf Labels are exactly what the name suggests: digital shelf tags that show the same price to every customer in front of the shelf. They do not alter the price for one shopper compared to another. The price displayed on the shelf matches the price customers pay at the register, with no exceptions.

 

False claims that this technology secretly manipulates prices throughout the day misrepresent how grocery pricing works. Grocery retailers set prices through standard category management and promotional planning processes that happen well in advance. Promotions are scheduled, advertised, and applied consistently for all shoppers. ESLs simply ensure that when those pre-planned price changes happen, they are implemented accurately and simultaneously across the store.

They provide significant environmental and operational advantages. A typical supermarket might replace tens of thousands of paper shelf tags every week. Switching to digital shelf labels greatly reduces paper waste, printing, and transportation associated with traditional shelf tags. This reduction in paper use offers a clear and meaningful environmental benefit.

The fact is that digital technology enhances one of the most important protections consumers depend on: price accuracy. Connecticut enforces strict pricing laws through the Department of Consumer Protection’s Weights and Measures Division, and compliance is mandatory. In a typical supermarket with a wide variety of products and frequent price changes, ESLs remove the risk of human error entirely. By updating prices in real time and uniformly, ESLs ensure shoppers can trust that the shelf price matches the checkout price.

 

At the end of the day, anyone shopping in a grocery store deserves confidence that the price on the tag is the price they pay. Electronic Shelf Labels deliver exactly that more accurately, consistently, and transparently.

Food retailers and policy makers alike share a commitment to protecting consumers. However, good policy requires a clear understanding of how ESLs are actually being used, not speculation about what they might become. The real risk isn’t this technology; it’s policies that increase costs for businesses and the families who can least afford it.

Original article found on CT NewsJunkie

Wide Ranging Bill Fast-Tracked

The General Assembly is poised to take an “emergency” shortcut to pass legislation that would, among other things, provide millions in earmarks and other grants to select communities and groups, extend a moratorium on addressing racial imbalances in schools and set worker-friendly standards on warehouses.

By certifying the measure as an emergency, Senate President Pro Tem Martin M. Looney of New Haven and House Speaker Matt Ritter of Hartford can call for votes on the bill Wednesday in the Senate and Thursday in the House with limited vetting by legislative committees.

Many items in the legislation, elements of which still were being tweaked, are drawn from bills that had public hearings or passed one chamber last year, such as House Bill 7009, an omnibus education bill passed overwhelmingly by the House. It would have made dozens of changes in state law, including delaying the enforcement of the racial imbalance law to July 1, 2029. The emergency version would push it another year.

Other portions appear technical in nature or provide clarification of budget items.

One attempts to protect bottle redemption centers from fraudsters returning bottles from states with nickel deposits to Connecticut, which pays a dime. It would impose a tenfold increase in fines for bottle-bill fraud and reduce from 5,000 to 2,500 the number of containers one person could redeem in a day.

“It’s a lot of the bills that we tried to tackle last fall that have been around for a very long time,” Ritter said, referring to a limited special session. “So they’re going to come as no surprise to many people.”

But assembling the varied pieces under the guise of an emergency is an unusual exercise of power by Ritter and Looney, Democrats whose party controls more than two-thirds of the seats in each chamber. Republican minority leaders say it might be unprecedented.

Senate Minority Leader Stephen Harding of Brookfield said none of the items arise from a true emergency. House Minority Leader Vincent J. Candelora of North Branford said any additional action on earmarks without strenuous vetting is inexplicable, given a continuing FBI investigation.

“Democrats just haven’t learned their lesson about the fact that we need to be better stewards of the taxpayers’ dollars,” Candelora said.

The emergency legislation also incorporates proposed revisions to elections law, many of them technical, sought last year by Secretary of the State Stephanie Thomas. A new version, Senate Bill 226, was the subject of a public hearing Monday.

Not everything in the bill is uncontroversial or bipartisan: One section is a revised version of major legislation inspired by labor concerns over Amazon’s use of quotas and biometric surveillance to manage its warehouse workers. It passed the House on a largely party-line vote last year but never came to a vote in the Senate.

The revised version includes a private right of action allowing workers to sue for damages if the new standards are not met.

There is no unifying theme in the bill.

It would provide municipalities relief from school construction deadlines or conditions. A portion of the bill sought by Republicans allows Cheshire, for example, to be reimbursed for what otherwise were deemed ineligible costs for energy or infrastructure improvements.

Another section would instruct the Department of Social Services to provide $2.5 million over two years to Newington, Wethersfield, Cromwell, Rocky Hill and Middletown for the establishment of mental health programing.

A VFW in New London would get $174,000 from the state Department of Education. Our Piece of the Pie, a nonprofit in Hartford that received an average of $1.2 million annually from 2016 until its state funding was nearly halved in 2025, would get $330,000 from the Department of Economic and Community Development.

The two Democratic leaders defended the legislation as an efficiency measure that will make time available for passage of other bills in the short session. The first month of the three-month session otherwise is dominated by committee work, with few bills ready for floor votes until April.

Unlike in Congress, where bills have two years to be passed, every bill awaiting action on the House or Senate calendar dies at the end of every annual session.

“I’ve always been in favor of being able to actually carry over certain legislation that has passed at least one chamber in the prior session,” Looney said. “We obviously have a lack of subject matter ready for session action early in the even-year session, and we only have three months to do things. So I think this will allow for a more efficient use of our time.”

Ritter blamed Senate Republicans for blocking final actions on some of the measures in the emergency bill by taking advantage of the legislature’s tradition of unlimited debate. Blocking a Senate vote on the education bill, which passed the House with bipartisan support, was obstructionist, he said.

One consequence of that is the Democrats’ assembling an emergency bill that is certain to pass, he said.

Harding said the Democrats are abusing the process.

“I find it inexcusable for the speaker or the president of the Senate to say that, basically, we’re doing this because we have a limited amount of session days,” Harding said. “That’s not an emergency.”

Original article found on CT Mirror

Trouble Making Change for CT Shoppers

For a generation or more, the lowly penny has been ignored: largely a nuisance at the check-out counter, sidelined by credit or debit and unceremoniously tossed in jars for storage, rarely retrieved for a future purchase.

But now, merchants can’t seem to get enough of them.

A nationwide penny shortage, which has deepened since the U.S. Mint stopped production of the one-cent piece late last year, has stores, restaurants and businesses of all sizes in Connecticut scrambling to adjust in a system where prices still generally factor in the one-cent coin.

And when there are no pennies in the till, rounding to the nearest nickel has become the fallback.

At the Dollar Tree in Plainville, where assistant store manager Jamilette Velazquez estimates more than 50% of customers pay in cash, the scarcity of pennies became acute in December, forcing the store cashiers to round to the nearest nickel.

“We don’t have any (pennies) right now,” Velazquez said recently. “We only get what the customers give us, and then we have to give them right out again.”

Cashiers do the mental rounding math. Signs posted at the discount variety store call attention to the penny shortage and urge customers to pay with exact change.

The shortage has become far-reaching, extending well beyond retailers, even to local governments.

In Bristol, the city came close to running out of pennies in July and August, a heavy time for paying property and motor vehicle taxes, some of which are made in cash. The city recently adopted a new policy to round to the nearest nickel in the event that its supply for one-cent coins gets depleted.

The U.S. Mint estimates that there are 300 billion pennies in circulation — three times the number of stars believed to be in the Milky Way — with a 230-year-plus history behind them. But a majority of those are not actively used and without a fresh supply from the Mint, a shortage has taken hold.

The decision to halt one-cent coin production is estimated to save $56 million annually, according to the Mint.

A recent report from the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta noted that cash transactions further declined in 2024, representing just 14% of expenditures in the United States. That was down from 20% in 2020.

Those statistics suggest the penny shortage will not significantly touch all consumers. But it could affect some of the more vulnerable segments of the population, including older adults and lower-income individuals who are more likely to pay with cash, according to Roberto Duncan, a professor of economics at Ohio University.

And if businesses decide to round up, “their customers may feel disappointed or dissatisfied,” Duncan wrote recently in a university publication.

‘Wild West out there’

Retail industry groups in Connecticut say some of their members started seeing penny shortages as early as September. That was well before the mint ceased production of the coin on Nov. 12, primarily because the one-cent piece now costs nearly four times to make than its value as currency.

Since the fall, industry groups such as the Connecticut Food Association, which represent grocers and others in the food business, have advised their members to use federal recommendations for rounding purchases to the nearest nickel, with the advice pertaining only to cash.

Wayne Pesce, CFA’s president, said the association gave that advice in the absence of the state taking a position on the issue.

“It was bit like the Wild West out there,” Pesce said.

The U.S. Treasury‘s recommendation is fairly straightforward: If the final digit of the transaction ends in 1,2, 6 or 7 cents, then the total, including sales tax, is rounded down to the nearest nickel. If the final digit is 3, 4, 8 or 9 cents, the total should be rounded up.

In theory, the burden on the merchant and the customer would even out over time.

But last week, the state Department of Consumer Protection weighed in on the matter, advising that all transactions should be rounded down to comply with an existing law in Connecticut.

The law mandates that a customer paying with cash cannot be charged more than someone paying with credit. In some cases, rounding up would mean cash-paying customers would pay more, if just by a few cents.

“We had heard that places were doing things differently,” Kaitlyn Krasselt, a DCP spokesperson, said. “It’s clear that you cannot charge more for using cash than another form of payment. We’re always going to go in favor of the consumer. We’re the consumer protection agency.”

Consistently rounding down, however, could place an unfair burden on small businesses with slim profit margins.

Robert Rybick, the president and chief executive of Geissler’s Supermarkets, said he foresees an affect on his family-run grocery, which has five stores in Connecticut and one in nearby Massachusetts.

“It doesn’t help in the sense that groceries are a 1% business, meaning we’re making one penny on every dollar,” Rybick said. “So when you tell us to round down, it affects the bottom line. A lot. Some of our stores are doing 30% cash.”

The CFA’s Pesce said he will revise his advice on the rounding issue to association members.

But Pesce said there is growing support among businesses across the board to propose changes to the state law that institute the rounding up and down to more evenly divide the effects of any penny shortage equally between businesses and consumers.

Pesce said he already has contacted state legislators and he hopes the General Assembly will consider the proposal in the session that begins Feb. 4.

A similar proposal is pending on the federal level, but it is unclear when that might be enacted, Pesce said.

“We are looking for a balance,” Pesce said. “The consumer shouldn’t get screwed and the merchants shouldn’t get screwed either. We’ve done rounding in Canada and other countries in the world. It’s easier. People get used to it. Let’s just move forward.”

Meanwhile, the Federal Reserve last week pushed ahead with an effort to help shore up the country’s supply of pennies now that the coin is no longer being minted.

Could be worth something

In meantime, Bristol Mayor Ellen Zoppo-Sassu said the city turned to an unlikely source to bolster its stockpile of pennies.

“We want to be able to provide the pennies and not have all the drama,” Zoppo-Sassu said. “So I commandeered my mother-in-law’s penny collection, which yielded us $63 in pennies, and that’s what we are using. We purchased her jar.”

Zoppo-Sassu said she hopes those one-cent coins will carry through January and February.

Outside the Dollar Tree in Plainville, Samuel Cruz of New Britain said he has taken to carrying loose change, including pennies, when he goes shopping.

But Cruz said he isn’t ready to break into containers at home that are jammed with pennies, nickels, dimes and quarters.

“My father was like, ‘Bro, pennies are probably going to be more valuable if you hold on to them,” Cruz said. “There could be a rare penny in there.”

Original Article found on MSN

New Laws from Special Session

With food insecurity on the rise and changes to programs like SNAP, some Connecticut lawmakers are making a renewed push to pass legislation during the 2026 session that would guarantee universal meals for students across the state, regardless of their school district. Currently, students have access to a mix of free, reduced price and paid meals, depending on household income, with some districts opting to provide free meals to all children.

Here’s what you need to know about universal school meals in Connecticut and why it may come up in next year’s legislative session.

Who is eligible for free school meals in Connecticut?

There are three ways student meals work in Connecticut schools.

First, there are students who get free meals — meaning breakfast and lunch. A family of four qualifies if they make less than $41,795 before taxes for the 2025-26 school year.

There are also students whose families pay a reduced fee for school meals. Again for a family of four, these families must make less than $59,478 before taxes.

And there are students whose families pay full price because their income exceeds the limits for free or reduced price meals. Lunch for these students typically costs between $3 and $4.50 depending on the school district.

Under the Community Eligibility Provision, or CEP, if more than 25% of a school’s population qualifies for free meals, then the school can choose to serve all students free breakfast and lunch. The school can then be reimbursed with federal funds, at a rate of 1.6. That means, if 40% of students at the school qualify for free meals, the school will be reimbursed for 1.6 times that amount, or 64%. The school will then have to find funds within its budget for the other 36% of the student population’s meals. Some districts have a high enough percentage of students who qualify that they do not have to contribute any additional funds.

There are also a handful of districts that provide universal breakfast, but not lunch.

How many Connecticut districts offer free meals to students?

Currently, 63 districts participate, but at 12 of those districts the program is only available at some of the schools. That’s out of a total of 202 school districts in the state.

My district used to offer universal meals but doesn’t anymore. Why?

In 2023, the FDA changed the CEP provision so that schools with 25% of students qualifying for free meals could opt-in to provide universal meals. Previously, the threshold was set at 40%. Some Connecticut school districts that fell within that 25% to 40% range decided to opt-in, but later determined the program was too expensive to continue and chose to opt back out.

What kind of food do students receive as part of universal meals in Connecticut?

There is no universal menu that school districts must follow in Connecticut, so different districts contract with different vendors. But all student lunches must include five components: a dairy, protein, starch, vegetable and fruit.

Why do lawmakers and advocates want to provide universal meals in Connecticut, even in wealthy districts?

Food insecurity is hitting Connecticut residents hard. Disruptions to programs like SNAP caused by the government shutdown and populations being shut out of the program altogether have renewed calls for the state to do what it can to ensure that children are fed. The One Big Beautiful Bill act excludes certain groups from SNAP benefits, including refugees and asylum seekers from access to SNAP benefits as well as some young adults, veterans and people experiencing homelessness.

But even before those restrictions were put in place, lawmakers in Connecticut have advocated for universal school meals for a number of reasons.

While some school districts in Connecticut may have a low percentage of students who quality for free meals, lawmakers and advocates say that making such meals universal has a number of benefits. First, when meals are available at no cost, participation in these programs go up.

“It changes the culture of the school meal program,” said Marlene Schwartz, director of the Rudd Center for Food Policy & Health at the University of Connecticut. “It doesn’t become just a program seen as something low-income kids participate in, it becomes something everybody does,” reducing stigma and ensuring that kids who are hungry are fed. Children with full bellies, advocates say, are able to focus on learning.

Making such a program universal would also cut out the cost and time of the paperwork associated with parsing what meals are available to which students. That would allow directors of food programs to focus their time and energy on getting the best quality food to their students. Feeding more kids would also give smaller districts greater purchasing power to make bulk deals with vendors.

In Connecticut, the high cost of living also means that there are many families who do not currently qualify for free meals, but who are struggling with the cost of groceries and would greatly benefit, according to Schwartz.

“The gap between the amount you can make to no longer qualify and amount of money you need to take care of a family of four in Connecticut is many thousands of dollars, and in that gap are a lot of people who need help and aren’t getting it,” she said. Because low- income families qualify for free lunch, Schwartz said that most people assume that all kids who need free meals get them. “No, they don’t!” she said. “They don’t!”

How would Connecticut fund universal meals?

That remains to be seen, but one of the proposals on the table is a tax on sugary drinks. Schwartz, for one, is in favor of this idea.

“I thought that was the most brilliant idea I had ever heard,” she said. “A public health home run.” Because drinks like soda are linked with negative health outcomes, cities across the U.S. have used such taxes as a method to fight obesity and diabetes while simultaneously raising money for quality of life improvements for their citizens.

Philadelphia, for example, taxes such drinks at 1.5 cents per ounce and has used those funds to pay for a free preschool program, among other initiatives.

Original article found on CT Mirror

Connecticut Cracks Down on Bottle Redemption Fraud

Gov. Ned Lamont signed a bill last month intending to prevent hordes of out-of-state traffickers from making an extra nickel in Connecticut by collecting a 10-cent refund on cans and bottles that required only a 5-cent deposit in their state.

But there is no hard evidence that such widespread fraud is happening.

In the last quarter of 2024, the bottle return rate in Connecticut reached 77%, the highest it’s ever been.

But instead of viewing the increased redemption as a consumer response to the 10-cent deposit introduced last year, lawmakers who supported the legislation blamed out-of-state returns, which are illegal.

Sen. Rick Lopes, D-New Britain, told The Connecticut Mirror that the new legislation is “trying to target the people who have a box truck that are coming in from out of state.”

However, there is no record of how many out-of-state bottles are redeemed in Connecticut. Most distributors do not differentiate their bottles by state, meaning there is no way to tell which bottles were sold in Connecticut and which ones were not.

Bob Hanna, owner of Three Veterans redemption center in New Milford, believes that the problem of fraudulent returns is only solvable with technology. Brands that are both a manufacturer and distributor, such as Poland Spring, have taken to placing a red box around the barcodes of bottles they sell in non-redeemable states. If a customer attempts to feed one of these bottles into a redemption machine, it gets spat out. 

“There could be a solution to identify these products through barcodes,” says Hanna. “But distributors don’t have power with the manufacturers.”

Since he opened last year, Hanna estimates he’s turned away about 40 out-of-state returners, compared to his 850 regulars.

“The word’s gotten out — you’re not going to get by us,” he said.

Hanna requires his customers to provide proof of Connecticut residency and gives car stickers to his regulars. But still, residency is only a proxy for knowing whether the bottles themselves were purchased in Connecticut. 

The legislation limits individuals to redeeming 5,000 bottles a day and requires redemption centers to record the name, driver’s license and license plate of anyone returning over 2,500 bottles. It also allocates $2 million from the General Fund towards bottle redemption law enforcement. 

Hanna has customers who return bottles that they did not purchase themselves. A Boy Scouts troop, for example, brought in 13,000 after a clean-up project. Some patrons regularly return cans they fish out of the trash after local baseball games.

“Just because you don’t need the dime, or I don’t need the dime, I save all mine, and I don’t necessarily need it, but why am I going to give it to the state? Why am I going to give it to the distributors?”

When Connecticut bottles are not redeemed, the 10-cent deposit is shared among distributors and the state. In fiscal year 2023-2024, the state made over $42 million in revenue from unclaimed bottle deposits.

“I just believe [the new legislation] is a money grab for not only the state but for distributors,” Hanna said. 

There is no public data on where bottles are being redeemed; DEEP considers this information proprietary.

Disclosure of returns is up to the beverage distributors. In testimony in support of SB 1115, Coca-Cola Beverage Northeast said that its Q4 2024 redemption rate in border areas was 83%, compared to 61% in the middle of Connecticut, and that this was evidence of fraud, despite the lack of data regarding bottle origins.

Wayne Pesce, President of CT Food Association, draws his conclusion from images and videos he’s seen from grocery stores, such as a man unloading an SUV full of bottle bags, and cars in a parking lot with out-of-state license plates. 

“We are trying to limit fraudulent volume because our customers can’t get into our stores when someone comes back with 500 containers and Mrs. Johnson can’t get in with her 50,” he said.

On a recent weekday afternoon, the redemption room at the Big Y supermarket in Westport was empty. Store managers said they have not had problems with large volumes of bottle returns, and they have not heard of problems at any other Big Ys.

Even though redemption rooms in grocery stores are small, they take up valuable space. Groceries would rather sell mulch, winter salt, or literally anything else more profitable than the 2.5¢ per malt beverage, 3.5¢ for soft drink handling fee they receive for every bottle they process.

“There’s no profit incentive for a retailer in the state of Connecticut to redeem bottles and cans. Zero,” says Pesce. 

“We’re paying our associates $20 an hour, and our bottle rooms are open for the hours of the store,” says Pesce. “We’ve got to keep them clean, and we’ve got to pay labor to do it.” 

Meanwhile, redemption centers like Three Veterans LLC in New Milford have worked to make a profit since the raise to 10¢. Hanna estimates they process 15,000 bottles each day they are open. They allow their customers to drop off bottle bags for their workers to process.

“They get some time back, that’s all we can offer them,” he said. 

Redemption center owners are skeptical that the new teeth in the law will catch the amount of fraud others are so certain is there.

“It’s just like the guy who can walk up through a soda machine, kick it three times and hit the return button and get a soda for free,” says Hanna.

Original article found on CT Mirror

Crackdown on Retail Crime

A nationwide coordinated crackdown on retail crime — what authorities are calling the first of its kind — led to hundreds of arrests in 28 states last week.

The blitz, led by Illinois’ Cook County regional organized crime task force, involved more than 100 jurisdictions and over 30 retailers including Home DepotMacy’sTargetUlta BeautyWalgreensKrogerand Meijer.

“When you give specific focus to a crime, it reverberates,” Cook County Sheriff Tom Dart told CNBC. “When they see it is being prosecuted and taken seriously, it deters conduct. They don’t want to get caught.”

Organized retail crime — a type of shoplifting where groups of thieves work together in targeted operations to turn stolen goods into cash — has grown in scale and scope in recent years. CNBC previously reported on the extensive law enforcement efforts to take down retail crime organizations.

While aggregate numbers for retail theft are difficult to quantify, retailers reported 93% more shoplifting incidents on average in 2023 compared with 2019, according to a survey conducted by the National Retail Federation. Those surveyed also reported a 90% increase in the associated dollar losses over that same time period.

Some critics point to a lack of enforcement and felony thresholds for allowing criminals to continue committing theft. It’s something Cook County State’s Attorney Eileen O’Neill Burke has been focused on since taking office in December. 

On her first day in office, O’Neill Burke said prosecutors would pursue felony retail theft charges in accordance with state law, when the value of the goods exceeds $300 or when the suspect already has a felony shoplifting conviction.

Before her taking office, retail theft felonies were charged only if the value of the stolen goods was $1,000 or more or if the suspect had 10 or more prior convictions.

Since Dec. 1, the Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office has filed charges in 1,450 felony retail theft cases, the office said.

The goals of the coordinated operation, O’Neill Burke told CNBC, is “to have one day where we focus and concentrate on [retail theft] and we share intelligence about it — about what we learned about the network, so that gives us more tools on how to take this network down.”

It was the coordination between law enforcement and prosecuting attorneys that got a number of the involved retailers to participate in the blitz.

“Collaboration is key to making a meaningful impact,” Ulta Beauty Senior Vice President of Loss Prevention Dan Petrousek told CNBC. “That’s why we were proud to participate in the National ORC Blitz alongside dedicated law enforcement and prosecutorial partners.”

Ulta Beauty had teams participating across nine states in last week’s operation, providing law enforcement with information on incidents of retail crime.

“Organized retail crime remains one of the most significant challenges in our industry,” said Marty Maloney, Walgreens director of media relations. “In this most recent operation we worked closely with law enforcement partners across nearly 20 cities and at over 40 locations to help curb this trend.” 

A representative for Home Depot told CNBC that while overall theft is down, investigated incidents of organized retail crime are still up double digits year over year.

Now that the operation has concluded, the group is pulling together each jurisdictions’ observations and sharing data to continue to help crack down on retail theft.

Other participating retailers reached for comment by CNBC, including Macy’sT.J. Maxx and Target, said they’re committed to partnering with law enforcement and pushing for stronger laws to combat retail crime.

Original article found on CNBC.

CFA Leads Fight Against Costly Retail Regulations

In March 2023, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) released a report accusing three national grocery retailers of exploiting pandemic-era supply chain disruptions to inflate prices and pad profits. The report suggested that large national chains leveraged their market position to impose stricter supplier demands, consolidate private label brands, and ultimately pass higher costs onto consumers—all while their profit margins remained elevated.

However, the FTC’s findings lacked crucial context. The report failed to account for real-world inflationary pressures, rising labor costs, and supply chain volatility—factors that forced businesses across industries, not just grocery retailers, to adjust pricing structures. It also ignored the role of manufacturers and suppliers in setting prices, instead shifting blame solely onto food retailers.

Connecticut Attorney General William Tong seized on this flawed report as justification to launch an extensive investigation into grocery pricing last spring. Over the summer, his office demanded detailed cost and pricing information from every major grocer in the state. Yet after months of scrutiny, no evidence of widespread profiteering was found. Rather than publicly acknowledging this, Tong is now doubling down with HB 6854—a sweeping, overreaching piece of legislation that fundamentally mischaracterizes how businesses operate in a competitive market.

The Connecticut Food Association Pushes Back

The Connecticut Food Association (CFA), which represents retailers and suppliers across the state, has been actively pushing back against this false narrative. Throughout last year’s investigation, CFA worked to ensure lawmakers and regulators understood the economic realities driving food pricing. Industry leaders met with policymakers, provided data, and challenged misleading assumptions that ignored the complex cost structures retailers must navigate.

CFA has consistently emphasized that Connecticut’s food retailers operate in one of the most competitive marketplaces in the country, where prices are dictated by consumer demand, supply chain costs and the realities of doing business—not unchecked corporate greed. Despite this, the AG’s office has continued to misrepresent standard business adjustments as predatory practices, using political rhetoric instead of economic facts to justify its overreach.

Now, HB 6854 threatens to take this misinformation a step further by granting the attorney general extraordinary authority to declare “abnormal economic disruptions” and penalize businesses for standard industry practices, such as adjusting product sizes in response to rising costs. By conflating routine business decisions with illegal profiteering, the bill introduces regulatory uncertainty, increases compliance burdens, and inserts government overreach into a functioning competitive market.

Overreach Disguised As Consumer Protection

HB 6854 builds on this misguided narrative by allowing the attorney general to unilaterally decide when economic conditions warrant government intervention in private business operations. The bill arbitrarily bundles standard industry practices—such as modifying product weight or pack sizes due to rising costs—with illegal profiteering, fundamentally mischaracterizing how businesses operate and disregarding basic economic principles.

One of the bill’s most misleading aspects is its characterization of routine packaging adjustments—often referred to as “shrinkflation”—as price gouging. Price gouging involves exploitative price hikes during emergencies, while packaging adjustments are longstanding industry practices dictated by rising production costs. By falsely equating the two, HB 6854 creates unnecessary government interference in normal business operations, adding regulatory burdens that will ultimately drive up costs for consumers.

Government Resources And Expertise Don’t Exist

Beyond its flawed premise, HB 6854 also assumes the state has the ability to effectively regulate the day-to-day pricing and packaging decisions of thousands of businesses. Even if the state had the necessary resources—such as a dedicated staff of economists, which do not currently exist—it would still be impractical to monitor and manage the diverse pricing strategies used across industries. The bill’s broad and vague language would create confusion, increase compliance costs, and introduce government micromanagement where market competition and consumer choice already serve as natural regulators.

A Fight For Economic Common Sense

HB 6854 is not about protecting consumers; it is about expanding government control over private industry. It ignores the reality that consumers hold the power in a competitive marketplace, where businesses are incentivized to keep prices fair and transparent. Regulatory overreach of this magnitude will only create unnecessary costs, reduce choices, and stifle economic activity.

The Connecticut Food Association, along with business leaders across the state, remains committed to setting the record straight. They are working to ensure that lawmakers understand the true economic forces at play and reject policies based on political theater rather than facts. Connecticut’s food retailers deserve better than another baseless witch hunt—they deserve a fair and balanced regulatory environment that acknowledges the realities of doing business in an evolving marketplace.

Original article found at Food Trade News

Digital Coupon Kiosks

Connecticut’s largest grocery chain, Stop & Shop, will roll out in-store kiosks by the end of the week to make digital coupons more easily accessible to all customers.

The kiosks, which the Massachusetts-based chain refers to as Savings Stations, allows customers to activate all weekly circular digital coupons and personalized offers without having access to a smartphone, internet service, or a computer. Company officials say the kiosks ensure that all customers can easily access the same savings that are available through Stop & Shop’s digital offers.

To access their digital coupons, Stop & Shop customers can either scan their GO Rewards loyalty card or enter their phone number. Customers will receive a printout of the digital coupons that have been loaded onto their loyalty card for reference while shopping. The savings will be automatically applied at the checkout when shoppers scan their loyalty card or enter their phone number.

Roger Wheeler, Stop & Shop’s president, said the kiosks are designed to “improve the shopping experience for our customers.”

“We heard from customers who felt they were missing out on valuable digital coupon savings,” Wheeler said. “The Savings Station is our response to that feedback. It ensures that our customers can easily access all of our great deals, especially during the holiday season when savings are top of mind.”

Edgar Dworsky, the founder of ConsumerWorld.org, an advocacy group for shoppers, said Stop & Shop’s kiosks make “digital coupons more accessible to everyone, including the many seniors and low-income folks who lack internet or smartphone access.”

Stop & Shop’s roll out of its Savings Stations comes as Connecticut lawmakers are considering legislation that would require grocery stores that use electronic coupons to make it easier for consumers to access them. The launch of the kiosks comes three months after Stop & Shop closed five under-performing stores in Connecticut and 32 similar locations across five states.

Stop & Shop has 83 stores in Connecticut and more than 350 locations across five states.

Wayne Pesce, president of the Connecticut Food Association, said Stop & Shop is joining other retailers who are making it easier for all shoppers to access digital coupons.

“Other retailers have some sort of program to claim savings that don’t require an individual to have a cell phone,” Pesce said.

Original article found at the New Haven Register.

Price-gouging and grocery shrinkflation are on the 2025 menu

In the space of 13 days starting Wednesday, the Connecticut legislature will open its 2025 season and a U.S. president will take office after promising to lower food and energy prices. President-elect Donald Trump has already backed away from his bold vow to slash grocery bills, a centerpiece of his campaign. But lawmakers in Hartford, prodded by state Attorney General William Tong, are expected to take a stab at the issue in at least two bills.

The measures, still taking shape, would have limited effect at the cash registers. Still, they might be worth trying if they can navigate past a few sticky issues.

One likely bill is a repeat of a plan Tong has put forward at least twice since the pandemic, strengthening Connecticut’s price-gouging law. It would tighten the definition of “price-gouging” and, in its main event, it would allow Tong’s office to investigate not just retailers but also companies up the supply chain including manufacturers, packagers and distributors.

The second bill would go after “shrinkflation,” that annoying trend — useful for those of us trying to lose weight — in which grocery purveyors sell us packages with less product for the same or even higher prices.

Tong’s office declined to give details of its shrinkflation bill, which it hinted at last week in a year-end report. But according to the state’s most prominent lobbyist for the grocery industry, no other state has adopted a shrinkflation law.

That doesn’t mean Wayne Pesce, president of the Connecticut Food Association, will oppose Tong’s push. It depends what it says. Obviously, Tong isn’t going to pitch a law that tells companies how many peanuts and peppermints they can put in a package. And legislators would not pass such a plan if he pushed it.

Nor will the bill likely limit changes in packaging. I for one am glad yogurt comes in 5.3-ounce containers, down from 8 ounces in my youth.

“I think it’s going to be some type of labeling transparency,” Pesce speculated as we talked about it late Tuesday, the night before the start of the legislative session.

We of course already have most grocery items labeled by the package price and the price per pound, or ounce. Could Tong suggest labels announcing anytime a product shrinks it package size? One worry, Pesce said, is that manufacturers could be forced to label goods for Connecticut separately, which could raise cost.

We will just have to wait and see. For now, it’s clear that customers are pushing back, buying more house brands and punishing whole categories such as salty snacks, which could help our collective health.

The bill tightening up Connecticut’s price-gouging law, which applies to all sorts of products, would not, for now, change one fundamental reality: The law applies only in times of emergency or during a disaster.

A state emergency lasted more than two years during and after the COVID-19 pandemic, when accusations of price-gouging were rampant.

“Price gouging at the retail level has been illegal in our state since 1986. Unfortunately, certain select bad actors will take advantage in a crisis, like the pandemic, and charge amounts they would never be able to obtain under normal circumstances,” Tong told the legislature’s Judiciary Committee as it considered that year’s version of the bill in 2022. “The current law presumes that the only bad actors are retailers. In fact, the opposite is true.”

The measure made it through the state House in 2021 but never came to a vote in the Senate. In 2022, it stalled in the Judiciary Committee amid opposition from folks in the energy industry. In 2023, it was removed from a larger consumer bill.

In 2024, similar language was part of a bill proposed by Sen. Bob Duff, D-Norwalk, the Senate majority leader. Again, it did not pass.

You get the idea. These proposals have significant opposition for two reasons. The first is philosophical, largely from Republicans who tend to oppose meddling in markets.

The second is practical: In an era of global transactions with real-time pricing and complex supply chains — think airline fares, gasoline prices and hotel rates — regulating anything related to how much we consumers pay can be a logistical nightmare.

As one fuel oil dealer testifying against the gouging bill said in 2022, who’s going to say what is price gouging when suppliers change prices as often as three times a day?

The bill would only give Tong the right to investigate up the supply chain. Pesce, the food association president, isn’t against that idea, depending on the exact language.

“Any retailer or any seller of any good that takes advantage of consumers during times of hardship deserves whatever penalty is on the books,” he told me. “When we’re on the wrong side of consumers, we’re on the wrong side of an issue.”

As recently as last spring, Tong took action on complaints of price-gouging by grocery retailers, after a Federal Trade Commission report accused some national stores — most not operating in Connecticut — of unfair pricing. Lawmakers were still seeing dramatic price hikes, which, Duff said to me this week, “wasn’t just inflation.”

The attorney general demanded and received pricing information from grocers across the state. Since he took no public action, we can assume what he found was kosher, or at least, not the fault of retailers, just as he said in 2022.

“There was a lot of smoke and not a lot of fire in terms of that investigation,” Pesce, whose association represents companies throughout the supply chain, said.

“We support common sense legislation around price gouging, around shrinkflation.” But he added, “I don’t believe they have the bandwidth to really get to the crux of the problem.”

By that he means energy prices, labor shortages and transportation costs. That’s the problem with any government effort to control prices. It’s either ineffective window dressing or it dives into the impossibly swirling waters of the economy, where laws can have all sorts of unintended consequences and where megatrends, not meddling move, are what matter.

It’s a noble debate and it might lead to new ideas that work. Still, it’s a lot easier for the government to raise fees than to lower market prices.

Original article found at Stamford Advocate.

Navigating The Inflationary Tide: How Connecticut Food Retailers Adapt in Political Headwinds

Amid an unrivaled inflationary environment that has sparked debate at both federal and state levels, Connecticut grocers have come under unwarranted scrutiny from the state’s Senate Democratic leadership and attorney general following a relatively uneventful 2024 legislative session. With pressure mounting from national polls, some elected officials are scrambling to address the root causes of inflation, aiming to alleviate consumer angst over higher food costs attributed to government policies. However, their investigation is focused solely on the state’s food retailers and has warranted industry indignation regarding the broader context of inflation and the efficacy of government intervention to mitigate rising food prices.

During the pandemic, surge buying, labor shortages, production facility closures, and supply chain disruptions collectively contributed to increased costs across multiple economic sectors. In response, the federal government implemented substantial stimulus measures aimed at bolstering the economy by injecting almost six trillion dollars into the U.S. market. From my perspective, although not that of an economist, paying people to stay home and artificially inflating incomes invariably leads to inflation. Despite these factors, some political leaders seem inclined to scapegoat food retailers rather than address the underlying causes of runaway inflation.

Connecticut Attorney General William Tong’s current investigation into “potential” grocery store price gouging exemplifies this misguided government focus. Following an April Federal Trade Commission (FTC) report that found grocery store prices remained elevated even as the pandemic ended and inflation cooled, Tong announced his office would investigate whether grocery stores in Connecticut have been engaging in price gouging. The FTC’s report examined national grocery chains like Walmart, Kroger, and Amazon and found that revenues and profits continued to rise after the pandemic disruptions, casting doubt on assertions that rising grocery store prices merely reflect retailers’ rising costs.

Seizing on the FTC report and White House talking points, Senate Majority Leaders Martin Looney and Bob Duff, along with several Senate Democrats, supported the Connecticut AG’s inquiry, citing the FTC’s findings that grocery prices “might be” artificially high due to corporate opportunism. Many local observers quickly pointed out that this approach is fundamentally flawed in its belief that food prices begin and end at the checkout register. The Connecticut Food Association along with multiple news editorials around the state pushed back, emphasizing that inflation is a multifaceted problem influenced by global supply chains, energy costs, and international economic policies and that the rise in food prices is no higher than increases in the restaurant, entertainment, healthcare, automotive, home improvement, insurance, and banking sectors. Bottom line: inflation has affected the cost of everything consumers purchase.

Elected officials are ignoring broader economic factors by focusing narrowly on local retailers while unfairly blaming local and regional businesses. This not only fails to address the root causes of inflation but also risks damaging the reputation of food retailers who are themselves struggling with increased costs. Yet some political leaders in D.C. and Connecticut are fixated on grocery stores, using them as convenient targets for political gain rather than addressing the macroeconomic issues that drive food prices. Ultimately, the current scrutiny of Connecticut’s grocers appears to be more of a political maneuver than a genuine effort to tackle inflation. I’m curious to see how interested these same political opportunists are after state and national elections in November.

Original article found at Food Trade News.